publications

2023

1. PhD Thesis

   The Semantics and Pragmatics of Counterfactual Sentences at the Discourse Level: Sobel-Sequences and the Licensing of Negative Polarity Items

   David Krassnig

   2023

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   In this thesis, I investigate whether conditionals can be more accurately modeled with a (semi-)dynamic strict semantics or a variably-strict semantics. Two linguistic phenomena related to conditionals are examined: negative polarity items and (reverse) Sobel sequences. Negative polarity items are words with a variable distribution, often occurring in negative contexts. I reject the traditional account of licensing these items in downward monotone environments and propose an alternative operator-based approach, suggesting they are licensed by a covert even-like operator with a scalar presupposition. Regarding (reverse) Sobel sequences, which have been debated in conditional modeling, the initial favoring of (semi-)dynamic strict semantics is challenged by recent findings that some reverse Sobel sequences can be felicitous. This supports a return to the variably-strict approach, incorporating selective pragmatic mechanisms to explain their felicity. Through a reverse Sobel sequence felicity experiment, I identify contrastive stress in the antecedent as a crucial factor for their felicity. Additionally, counterfactuality, a lack of causal link between φ and ψ, and the use of overt or covert exclusion of ψ as an epistemic possibility influence felicity. I propose a pragmatic model centered on contrastive stress, which effectively accounts for all empirical data on reverse Sobel sequences. This pragmatic mechanism can be integrated with either the variably-strict or (semi-)dynamic strict model without altering the predicted felicity distribution. Ultimately, I conclude that the (semi-)dynamic strict model has a slight explanatory advantage over the variably-strict approach, but further modifications to the latter could render both approaches equally viable for explaining (reverse) Sobel sequences and negative polarity items.

2022

1. EISS 14

   Reverse Sobel Sequences: What Is Being Cancelled Here?

   David Krassnig

   In Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 14 , 2022

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   In this paper, we show that an account centred around modal subordination and contrastive topic may account for most if not all of the known data on reverse Sobel sequence felicity. We show that contrastive stress in rSSs often targets the auxiliary verb and that, in doing so, we actually target the tense-aspect-mood information that is encoded by it. By treating tense-aspect-mood as a type of bound pro-form, adopting the pro-form semantics of Jacobson (2000; 2004), we show that, in doing so, we are actually trying to contrast the two conditionals’ domains of quantification. As such, the contrastive topic is successful iff the two domains are disjoint, preventing a modally subordinate reading, allowing for the possibility of reverse Sobel sequence felicity.

2020

1. SuB 24

   Reverse Sobel Sequences and the Dissimilarity of Antecedent Worlds

   David Krassnig

   In Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung 24 , 2020

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   We have conducted an acceptability judgement experiment to examine two hypotheses related to the felicity of reverse Sobel sequences (rSS). The first hypothesis was based upon Lewis’ (2018) relevance-based variably-strict semantics: If two rSS are identical except for their respective difference in dissimilarity between their antecedent worlds, then the rSS with a higher degree of dissimilarity should be, on average, more acceptable. Our results, however, seem to support this hypothesis only weakly and appear more contradictory than supportive to the model behind it: Any kind of clear-cut dissimilarity will render an rSS felicitous, so long as its conditionals are counterfactual by nature. The second hypothesis, that rSS whose domains of quantification are entirely disjoint should be just as acceptable as regular utterances, was quasi-confirmed. Whilst a significant difference to the control items was found, these rSS differ only minimally in average acceptability and are the highest rated rSS so far. We therefore explain the slight, statistically significant decrease in acceptability as a result of the markedness of rSS structures. Finally, we provide two analyses to account for the data gathered. First, one modification of Lewis’ (2018) account, where we argue that relevance may not increase closeness beyond the levels set forth by worlds similarity. Then, with the second account, we attempt to motivate the need for and the pragmatic contribution of contrastive stress with regards to rSS, using Ebert et al.’s (2008) assumption that antecedents represent their conditional’s aboutness topic – thereby deriving contrastive topic with regard to the two sets of antecedent worlds.

2018

1. SuB 21

   Simple Even Hypothesis: NPIs and Differences in Question Bias

   David Krassnig

   In Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung 21 , 2018

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   The even-based approach to NPI licensing arose as a competitor to the traditional idea that NPIs are licensed by some monotone environments. The approach itself equates NPIs with even + existential quantification. As such, distributional differences between NPIs and the expression even ONE are undesirable. There are, however, a small number of known differences: (i) They behave differently in the restrictor of a universal quantifier, and (ii) questions containing even ONE are negatively biased, whereas questions with an NPI are not. Under our proposal, we decompose weak EVEN into two focus particles. One is identical to the original EVEN , whereas the other particle has a directly opposite scalar presupposition and an additional presupposition of exclusivity. In doing so, we can derive both problematic cases for the even-based approach in a straightforward fashion.

2017

1. AC 2017

   Sobel Sequences: Relevancy or Imprecision?

   David Krassnig

   In Proceedings of the 21ˢᵗ Amsterdam Colloquium , 2017

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   Sobel sequences were recently split into two independent phenomena by Klecha [5, 6]: Reversible True Sobel sequences and irreversible Lewis sequences. In this paper we show that Klecha’s prediction of unidirectionality for Lewis sequences is too strong. To this effect, we propose an alternate analysis, using Lewis’ [13, 14] contextualist relevancy-based framework for conditionals, from which a weaker version of Klecha’s analysis follows naturally, if we accept Bennett [2] and Arregui’s [1] view on how causality affects world similarity. In doing so, we automatically provide an explanation for infelicitous reverse True Sobel sequences, which is, as we also show, a problem for Klecha’s current account. Finally, we reunify the analysis of both sequence types under a single overarching linguistic phenomenon by treating the individual sequence types as proper subsets of Sobel sequences.

2016

1. MA Thesis

   Licensing of Negative Polarity Items

   David Krassnig

   2016

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   This thesis researches the distribution of NPIs by assuming the simple even hypothesis as advocated by Crnič (2014a,b). We show that all instances of weak even are translated differently from standard even in a variety of languages, such as German, English, Spanish, Italian, and Dutch. We therefore propose that weak even is a lexically independent item from standard even, with its own presuppositional requirements. We also show that this unique translation of weak even extends to occurrences of even which are not categorized as weak according to Lahiri (1998) or Crnič (2014a). We therefore propose a new, less restrictive condition of weak even: Namely that predicate weakness is determined by the predicate’s placement on the bottom-end of a contextually relevant scale. This relaxed definition of weakness then shows incongruencies in Crnič (2014a)’s existing account for non-monotone environments. We point out these incongruencies and observe a hitherto unnoticed presupposition of exclusivity concerning weak even. As a final point, this thesis shows how the negative bias in questions (which Crnič (2014a,b) was unable to account for) concerning even ONE questions can be derived by assuming that (a) rhetorical questions are derived by the mechanisms proposed by van Rooy (2003) and that (b) even is split into two independent particles that are analogous to the German version of weak even: “auch nur”.